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Unlike despotic regimes, democratic governments cannot rely on authority that is solely coercive — much of it has to be moral. In the first-past-the-post elections to the parliament and winner-takes-all form of government formation, the chances of a government truly representing the majority are extremely unlikely.
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In such a situation, the leaders acquire paramount importance. Their conduct has to be beyond suspicion and inspire confidence. Little wonder that he continues to use the fear of impending elections to keep his flock together. He has little else at his disposal. The power that flows from the barrel of the gun is definite, but dangerous.
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The power emerging from the ballot box is wholesome, but not definite. Only the moral authority of visionary leaders can shape traditions and institutions to offer the best of both. Hope has to be pinned instead on the possibility of a clear single-party majority emerging so that even some perfectly ordinary people can do extraordinary things by working together under one ideology. Until then, there is little else to do other than take solace in the fact that power without authority may be inconvenient; but the other extreme, authority without power, is truly insufferable.
Entertainers, intellectuals and liberals in Pakistan are being squeezed. They were already a threatened species, thanks to the policies of successive governments which have resulted in the rise of the religious right. But, the ill-conceived and ill-timed introduction by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of the 15th Constitutional Amendment CA 15 has triggered off fears that such people may actually become extinct — a worst-case scenario that is not as unlikely as it once seemed. After all, neighbouring Afghanistan too once harboured educated, liberal thinking individuals. Those who are left there now dare not reveal their true colours, others have Bed the country or been killed.
Religious zealots have gone as far as to urge their supporters to kill those who oppose it. One of them has even asked his followers to launch a crusade against journalists, whom he describes as kafir infidels.
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But the atmosphere of repression and fear has done nothing to curb cultural expression, at least not yet. It seems that the more repression there is, the more people clutch at this straw. The privately organised Music Conference in Lahore, an annual event held in the last week of October, drew record audiences.
On the last night, there was not even standing room in the seat open air theatre and the performance went on well past 3. Record numbers of people and performers attended the Fourth International Puppet Festival theme: Peace. As many as 38 troupes from 27 countries, including India, showed up and , tickets were sold. Such festivals — dance, drama and music — take place against all odds. Most have to be privately organised, given the lack of government support and funding.
In fact, events are actively hindered by officials uncertain about what the cultural policy is. Over the years cultural events have taken place under a lengthening shadow of religious militancy, bigotry and threats of violence. The Puppet Festival has become a leading international biennial event since it was introduced by the Peerzada family in At that time, the festival organisers were putting the final touches on the Fourth Puppet Festival.
Work on each festival starts two years before the event. For the first time, the Peerzadas, who have been through three puppet and two dance and drama festivals since , had to work at convincing participants to come, besides doubling security at the festival premises.
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Delegates from the USA and Sweden dropped out at the last minute, and the Pakistani government refused visas to 19 puppeteers from Iran, on the grounds that their security could not be guaranteed. Foreign delegates arrived apprehensively, their heads full of news reports about violence in Pakistan and warnings from their foreign offices.
And for the first time, a performance had to be taken off the programme, after audiences walked out of the first showing by a Kerala-based group presenting a folk technique in heavily accented English interspersed with Malayalam songs. Unwilling to take the risk, the organisers reluctantly pulled it out, with profuse apologies to their guests — who were understandably upset but not disheartened.
They have promised to return again when things improve. Despite this, most performers — including a Delhi-based Indian group which gave eight performances of its play on AIDS — encountered friendliness, openness and hospitality. Pluralism and cultural activity must be allowed to flourish in Pakistan. As the wise know, culture is the antithesis of anarchy, and that is clearly what Pakistan faces — unless the Sharif government does an immediate about-turn, and begins focussing on the economic mandate it was voted into office for.
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Such a change would save the country more surely than playing into the hands of religious extremists, who can never come to power except through the back door. Even at his best, he can be at his worst. Consider one of the jew areas in which he said something important — his work on the history of famines. But I do occasionally question his good sense.
If the endowment vector is xi, the person is in a position to avoid starvation…. All this is in the service of drawing that simple distinction between access and availability before he goes on to the actual evidence. By solely grinding the socialist axe of access to supply over supply availability, he gives the latter issue a short shrift that is inappropriate.
Could food security have nothing to do with the enormous gains in productivity that the market has brought to the farm? The way agriculture was then organised probably had something to do with that awful tragedy, just as Soviet collectivism has a lot do with the dreadful prospect of food insecurity currently faced by the Russian people. The Nobel Prize is a pampered institution. Nobel laureates more so. But what was exasperating was the way those who had nothing remotely to do with Sen fell over one another to own his legacy. Amartya euphoria stretched to ridiculous levels. Deification was also part of the mania.
The Indian and Bangladeshi media boasted to all who wanted to know that it was the father of all Indian Nobel laureates, Rabindranath Tagore, who had christened Amartya. But more important was the West Bengal-Bangladesh connection. Now to the man himself; how gung-ho is he about his roots? I would have to be aggressively self-confident to take that view. Meanwhile, among the many bouquets that Sen received, there were also a few brickbats.
Some accused him of indulging in jargon-ridden economics which does not have the possibility of ushering in social change. It is indeed tempting to call Amartya Sen, first and foremost, a South Asian. Each time there is an election on the horizon, the Indian political parties play out a great game. With assembly elections due in four states, one could have ignored the farce this time around had it not, regrettably, been about education.
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The distressing irony is that the real farce being played out in the country is in primary education. It is so vile that one recoils in horror to think what the bjp will think of next. Manohar Joshi, the human resource development minister and RSS voice, was arranging an education ministers conference when he came up with the idea that there should be in the discussion papers a note — the origins of which can be traced back to Vidya Bharati the education wing of the RSS — which delineates exactly how the Indian education system should be changed.
Its recommendations included compulsory Sanskrit in schools. To further spice up the meeting, Joshi decided that he would begin it with Saraswati Vandana in praise of the Hindu goddess of learning. The expected happened. It was like a scene from parliament; walkouts and protests, including by those from the Akali Dal and the Telugu Desam both BJP allies , forced Joshi to withdraw his agenda, while the prime minister apologetically explained that his esteemed colleague should not be misunderstood, and that his minister had no plans of pushing through a sectarian agenda.
That is where the prime minister went wrong. Joshi did plan to do exactly that. Vidya Bharati, the provider of the ideol- ogy for the discussion papers, uses in its schools, textbooks in which the map of India includes Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Tibet. Sri Lanka. This is what is being taught to year-olds. Indian school curricula were created at a time when socialist intellectuals wanted to create the building blocks for a pragmatic society that drew its inspiration from the Utopian socialists. They start with the assumption that the Indian is naturally spiritual, and therefore Indian-ness, and by extension nationalism, has to be taught through spirituality.
This inevitably ties in with the concept of a unified identity under the Hindu umbrella. They would do better to leave the question of identity and spirituality to the social environment in which the child is reared. The solution lies in empowering the NCERT National Council for Educational Research and Training to bring together from each state historians, teachers, writers, and teacher-trainers to review texts and make recommendations.