The creation of a great entrenched camp with fortifications surrounding the commercial city was proposed. After numerous debates in the Belgian Chambers, the necessary budget was finally approved in August and the mammoth works were completed around From this moment on, the Belgian army had to keep a continuous link with Antwerp, which became its main depot.
In the years , and , it required more and more credit to finance improvements such as securing the left bank of the Scheldt or replacing bricks with concrete in the walls endangered by torpedo shells.
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Thus new detached forts had to be created at a distance from nine to sixteen kilometres. A new extension was approved in but had not yet been completed by During the Franco-Prussian War of , the Belgian army had to move to the extreme south of the country in the Luxemburg province. In that case, in order to assume the duties of neutrality, the Belgian army would be compelled to advance far away from its central base to prevent the use of the strategic roads and railways. The project was postponed.
Debates started anew in Paradoxically, this late vote was a bit of luck for Brialmont. It gave him enough time to modify his first plans, achieved in , now including the effects of the torpedo shells recently experimented in Germany and France The result of his studies was an authentic revolution in the art of fortifying cities. They were polygonal — triangular or four-sided — and positioned on culminating points, in order to control the different itineraries such as railways, bridges and valley roads.
A substantial innovation placed the artillery under degree rotating steel domed turrets, copied on the models designed four years earlier by Brialmont for the Rumanian forts at Bucharest.
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The Meuse forts were built in but their creation did not fundamentally change the theories concerning the behaviour the Belgian army should adopt in the early days of a war. It still had to mobilize itself in the central triangle Brussels — Leuven — Mechelen, south of Antwerp. In all cases, the enemy took into account the new fortifications along the Meuse which were systematically bypassed.
In a special chapter of his memo, Begrand studied the ideal concentration areas according to the five scenarios. On the other hand, the first and second scenarios created a tricky situation for the Belgian army. Even if it adopted the most western position towards Leuven — Tienen, it would reach the Meuse too late, after German outposts had reached the Franco-Belgian border.
They considered that the five scenarios developed were complete. Fundamentally, theory would not change ulterior works. In this document, the scenarios were divided into two main cases: a full scale invasion or a mere crossing. Due to the fortification of the Meuse, Brewer thought that the belligerents would probably remain south of the Meuse valley. This scenario was studied at length in a further study sent to the minister of war on 31 January At this time, the Special Staff Corps chief identified several waiting positions in the province of Luxembourg.
In his report to the commission members, the director of military operations, Colonel Georges Ducarne ?
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Furthermore, to be entirely efficient, such an operation would require too many troops. In the first case, Ducarne informed Barnardiston that a Belgian army of , men, concentrated on the fourth day near Brussels, could occupy a line roughly between Turnhout and Diest before the arrival of the Germans.
The most effective way in which English troops could assist would be by detraining a relief force between Leuven and Aarschot in order to support the Belgian right flank. The Belgian officer estimated that the German Army Corps could not cross the border between Eupen and Gouvy before the eighth day of mobilization. To be of any help, British troops would have to reach the river between Namur and Dinant by the tenth day. He was strongly influenced by the heterodox theories of his main adviser Lieutenant Colonel Louis de Ryckel The most important was to concentrate the Belgian field army near the endangered border.
Indeed, de Ryckel supposed that, thanks to information communicated by Belgian diplomats, it would be possible to determine in advance who was going to be the enemy and thus quickly take an appropriate position. If Germany attacked Belgium, wrote de Ryckel, the country would defend itself. At the time of the Agadir crisis, an extraordinary meeting occurred on 16 September The Minister of Foreign Affairs Julien Davignon and his main collaborators examined the attitude Belgium would take in case of German violation of her neutrality.
Prophetically, the high-ranking civil servants predicted that the Imperial Government would ask Belgium to allow the crossing of her territory by German troops. It seemed obvious that this request would be rejected. But then how was an eventual collaboration with France and Great Britain to be defined? After the meeting, all participants expressed the wish that, in wartime, Belgium would conclude a preliminary agreement with the guarantors.
Typewritten in several copies, it constituted an important working paper during the different councils held at the beginning of August by King Albert, his high-ranking generals and state ministers.
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Naturally, the document was mainly devoted to political matters but included strategic elements. The army had been consulted and Arendt had at his disposal two military studies, one from the military operations director, General Major Benjamin Ceulemans ; the other from the then Staff Corps Lieutenant Colonel de Ryckel.
The latter was a part of the rather unorthodox memo written by de Ryckel in Furthermore, the political director was disappointed not to discover any reference to the possibility of a French attack in the Hainaut or in the Flanders, in order to take Brussels. Before , Arendt was busy trying to set up some form of an intelligence service using the Belgian Consuls or ex-servicemen living in northern France.
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