In , Iranian-Sudanese relations began to deteriorate — rapidly. When Saudi Arabia launched its military campaign in Yemen in March , Sudan was an original member of the coalition.
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Over the past four years, hundreds of Sudanese forces have died fighting Iran-backed Houthi rebels. The Yemeni crisis quickly became a clear a source of tension between Tehran and Khartoum, with Iran condemning Sudan for joining the Saudi-led coalition. In late , Sudan also became a founding member of the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism, an anti-Iranian, Saudi-led military alliance that exists almost exclusively on paper.
When South Sudan gained independence in , Sudan lost 70 percent of its oil and one-third of its land. Facing financial crises and instability — due to the unresolved conflicts in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile — Khartoum saw an opportunity to switch sides in the regional conflict to join forces with the wealthy GCC states and gain greater financial support.
The Iranians, while they can help by giving arms, are not in a position to provide financial support. When anti-government protests erupted across Sudan in December , the Iranian leadership was silent.
Scores of Sudanese citizens took to the streets to protest the aid, fearing the likely strings attached and mindful of the Egyptian coup of , backed by Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. If Sudan falls into an internal conflict pitting those who favor military rule against supporters of civilian leadership, Tehran may find a way to capitalize on the unrest. At the same time, if Gulf economic support is deemed to be insufficient, Khartoum may entertain the option of turning to its former partner, Tehran, once again.
For now, there are still many unanswered questions when it comes the future of Iranian-Sudanese relations.
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Featured Program view Frontier Europe. Program view Cyber Program. Featured Autumn Full Page view Internships. After three years of discussions and planning, during which the Sudanese government was overthrown , Moscow has finally reached an agreement with the new regime in Khartoum to build a state-of-the-art navy base in Port Sudan on the Red Sea coast. This agreement is a clear expression of a successful Russian policy in Africa and the Middle East—something the Biden administration will have to reckon with.
It can be safely assumed that, in addition to battleships, including nuclear vessels, the new Russian base will house electronic intelligence systems and Russian air defense systems.
Russia to establish navy base in Sudan for at least 25 years
The port is slated to be built at a strategic junction of a major trade route running through the Red Sea and connecting the Arabian and the Mediterranean Seas via the Suez Canal, where Russia is currently establishing an industrial zone and a free trade zone. All this will give Russia a large degree of influence on what is happening in both Africa and the Middle East.
- Extended sanctions and renewed fighting in South Sudan.
- Defense & Security Affairs.
- Russia Expands its Foothold in Africa - Institute of Modern Russia.
Moreover, Moscow is continuing its efforts to establish more bases and ports in Africa, keeping close contacts with Egypt and Eritrea, with the goal to expand geopolitical influence and pursue its interest in what it considers critical areas. As a gateway to Africa, the port, for instance, will allow Russia to operate more easily in the Central African Republic, where Russian mercenaries have reportedly been present for several years.
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The plan to build the port had been originally discussed and agreed upon with Omar al-Bashir , then-Sudanese president, who was ousted during the revolution and is currently wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. As Russia opened up talks with Sudan in , al-Bashir came to Moscow for an official visit, which resulted in an agreement on the construction of the first Russian port and development of several mineral mines in Sudan.
But these plans never materialized.
- Is a Sudanese-Iranian rapprochement possible? | Middle East Institute?
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Although Russia stood by al-Bashir and even helped him to suppress the revolution, it immediately recognized the new regime, perhaps because it was not very different from its predecessor. Many of the members of the Sovereignty Council established for the transition period were well acquainted with their Russian counterparts.
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The latter, apparently, played a key role in shaping the new Sudan regime and its pro-Western political bias. It is hard to believe that any decision, especially as significant as granting permission to Russia to establish a military base in the country so dependent on the graces of Abu Dhabi and Riyadh, would not have been greenlighted by them first. Given the fact that the U. In the past, Russia tried to negotiate the construction of a seaport with Djibouti—a small African republic on the Red Sea coast—but these efforts failed, partially because of US opposition, as Washington is determined to keep control over this strategic point overlooking the Indian Ocean.
In Sudan, the talks actually bore fruit due to a variety of local and geopolitical circumstances. Just like Egypt, Sudan enjoys close ties with the US, but at the same time tries to get the most out of its relationship with other powers, such as Russia. In recent years, Russia has become the number one arms exporter to Africa, outgunning France and the US, which have traditionally supplied arms to African countries.