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Leventhal Center for Advanced Urbanism's yearlong study of the future of suburban development. Find out more. Authored by Aaron Renn, The Urban State of Mind: Meditations on the City is the first Urbanophile e-book, featuring provocative essays on the key issues facing our cities, including innovation, talent attraction and brain drain, global soft power, sustainability, economic development, and localism. Comment viewing options Flat list - collapsed Flat list - expanded Threaded list - collapsed Threaded list - expanded.
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Select your preferred way to display the comments and click "Save settings" to activate your changes. Login to post comments Email this comment. Featured Content View all subjects. Books Authored by Aaron Renn, The Urban State of Mind: Meditations on the City is the first Urbanophile e-book, featuring provocative essays on the key issues facing our cities, including innovation, talent attraction and brain drain, global soft power, sustainability, economic development, and localism.
More from this author Largest World Cities: Probably fewer than 40, remained. Nonetheless, conditions during the occupation were harsh. Inhabitants were carefully controlled, in some cases forced to move domicile and had their property requisitioned. The territory was looted, not just by individual soldiers but systematically and thoroughly by Russian military commanders. The worst aspect of the occupation was the mass deportations.
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These were not wholly novel: in the summer invasion, the Russians had arrested thousands of men of military age. However, in the winter of , the deportations were far more extensive.
By one official estimate, over 30 percent of inhabitants still present in the north and centre of the occupation zone were removed. Even in their places of internment on the Volga, or between the Volga and the Urals, survival was difficult.
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More than 13, East Prussians were deported by the Russians in , of whom over 4,, around one-third of the total, died. Stories, true and exaggerated, of the violence perpetrated by the Russian army in particular circulated the Reich from late August They were disseminated through three channels.
Refugees were one important source. In the first invasion, , East Prussians were displaced, tens of thousands of whom travelled across the Vistula into the interior of Germany. At the start of the second attack, , East Prussian civilians and tens of thousands of military-aged men from other eastern provinces were evacuated and dispersed across the country. The invasions, although they directly affected only a small part of Reich territory, were widely understood as violations of the entire nation, and generated powerful emotions of fear , outrage and national solidarity.
The memories and myths that surrounded them helped to shape the national war effort. The solidarity that Germans displayed to this distant province was repaid during the plebiscite in its Polish dialect-speaking Masurian south, when 98 percent of votes cast rejected the option to join the newly established Poland. The memory of the invasions remained potent in the province throughout the inter-war period. Only with another invasion of far greater brutality in the Second World War, and the destruction of East Prussia itself, did the suffering of disappear into obscurity.
For many years, the history of military occupations in the Rhine and Ruhr areas after was mostly understood in the context of the Franco-German reparations dispute and French foreign and security policy. Up until the s, distinctly national points of view regarding the Versailles post-war order and the Allied reparations policy predominated. The German side mainly recognized "Versailles" as a synonym for ruthless French power politics, which had done irreparable harm to the young republic.
From the French perspective, "Versailles" chiefly represented the failure of a sustainable security policy.
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It was conceded that the former "peace makers" very likely had little chance to maneuver given the enormous upheavals and turmoil that had been caused by the First World War. It places the hitherto largely ignored military occupation policy itself and the confrontations between the population in the occupied territories and the occupiers in the foreground.
This approach not only concludes that the war in many respects persisted in the minds of the inhabitants of the Allied-occupied Rhineland and the Ruhr areas. It also finds that the occupation experience of the French and the Belgians during the war was decisive in shaping occupation policy. What is more, it promoted German nationalism and strengthened the desire for a revision even by force of the Versailles post-war order, especially in the manner advocated by the Nazis.
Earlier French efforts to establish the Rhine as a future military frontier of Germany were increasingly stifled after the military defeat in Opinions nonetheless differed widely as to just how the "Rhineland question" should be solved, whether, for instance, in the form of annexation, neutralization, the creation of an autonomous region, or a permanent military occupation.
The French commander, Ferdinand Foch pointed out the need to occupy the left bank of the Rhine to Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau in October He demanded that the Rhine first be established as the western border of Germany and then, at a minimum, as a military frontier. In the ceasefire agreement from 11 November , the settlement of the Rhineland question was set aside. It merely provided for the Allied occupation of the left bank of the Rhine and three "bridgeheads" near Cologne, Mainz, and Koblenz.
The German troops were forced to withdraw behind a ten kilometer wide neutral zone along the right bank of the Rhine.
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During the negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles , France had to forgo any additional ideas it had in the Rhineland question and finally accept a compromise. In return, the occupation of the Rhineland was limited to fifteen years. Four occupation zones were established, which were to be vacated by the Allied forces at different time intervals i.
The smallest zones were left to the British Cologne and the surrounding districts and the Americans Koblenz and the surrounding districts , with the US surrendering its area to the French in A failure on the part of the German government to uphold its contractual obligations would result in an extension of the occupation. The goal of the occupation was, on the one hand, to achieve military protection against Germany, and, on the other, to secure collateral for the German reparations.
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At the beginning of the occupation of the Rhineland, the French army alone had about 95, soldiers including about 20, from its colonies. Its headquarters were located in Koblenz and it was led, until its dissolution in , by Paul Tirard Tirard was a top French official who had acquired considerable experience in building administrations in the Protectorate of Morocco and the recovered Alsace-Lorraine.
In the High Commission, all occupying powers were represented by a commissioner. France, however, typically had the final say on matters. This was especially true once the US left the commission in , and also given that the Belgian commissioner was usually in agreement with Tirard. During the purely military occupation, the generals attempted to exploit Francophile, separatist tendencies in the Rhineland and the Palatinate and thereby bring about a fait accompli.
They did not succeed, however, as separatist tendencies were only weakly represented in the local population. Tirard, by contrast, pursued a policy of "peaceful penetration.