Hook up websites Omdurman Sudan

Another woman, who sought help from an activist after she was attacked and then agreed to record her story on video, seen by Human Rights Watch, said RSF soldiers caught her and other women, took their clothes and phones, beat them with electrical cables, then raped them violently. The RSF soldiers tried to rape her but military police intervened.

The RSF attacked female medical personnel in some cases. They were obviously looking around to beat everyone, loot everything they find. Many activists emphasized the lasting psycho-social impacts of sexual violence.

At least one rape survivor killed herself, media reported. Human Rights Watch found that soldiers pursued protesters into their hiding places inside buildings, rounded them up, and held them for hours, many in open spaces. Soldiers verbally insulted them, beat them, shaved their heads or cut their hair a common way for security forces to humiliate young activists and prisoners by in Sudan , and in some cases instructed them to crawl in and drink sewage water.

Witnesses said the security forces rounded up hundreds of protesters on Nile Street under the Blue Nile bridge in the morning of June 3, not long into the operation. They spoke very rudely to me. They took our phones and clothes, even my sandals. They took everything. One woman, a civil society leader, described a similar experience of RSF soldiers looting the belongings of protesters and thereafter forcing them to walk long distances:.

Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that during the June 3 attack, security forces sometimes allowed doctors or protesters with medical training to examine or treat injured protesters, especially during the round-up under the Blue Nile bridge. According to the Sudan Doctors Central Committee, the RSF surrounded the entrances to three hospitals on June 3, preventing doctors and the injured from entering.

A medic told media how soldiers surrounded the hospital on the morning of June 4 then ordered hospital staff to evacuate all wounded protesters. He said soldiers arrested one of the doctors, identified as Waleed Abdullah, after shooting him in the leg. I saw around six of them beating one protester and many injured outside. The witness said that although military intelligence officers tried to stop the attack, two RSF soldiers came in anyway and threw an explosive device into the hospital and fired shots at the ceiling.

He said the soldiers forced him and others out of the hospital, beat them and took their phones. He said that one patient in the intensive care unit died in the process. Since the June 3 attack, families, activists and others have called on authorities to reveal the whereabouts of their missing ones. In August, Sudanese activists told Human Rights Watch they had confirmed 17 people were missing in Khartoum since the attack on June 3, including women working as tea or food sellers at the sit-in camp. Activists told researchers they fear RSF could have detained people in unofficial detention sites and were still holding them.

Human Rights Watch is not aware of any official efforts to confirm the existence of or access to RSF detention sites. Others worry protesters were burned during the attack inside their tents, and their bodies never identified. Shortly after the attack on the sit-in camp, witnesses reported to media that they had seen RSF soldiers throwing bodies into the river.

It was near the vocational training center. I saw soldiers tying rocks to legs of several bodies, maybe eight of them, and throwing them in. Some bodies were pulled from the river and later identified. On June 26, the body of a tea seller, Amal Gous, who was missing after the June 3 sit-in attack, was found floating in the Nile. The case underscores the difficulties family members have encountered accessing information from morgues. On October 3, three bodies, also identified as victims of the June 3 attack, were buried without proper authorization from medical officials or communication with the families.

The news prompted an investigation into the handling of bodies. Authorities denied they dispersed the sit-in. The TMC spokesperson, Lt. Kabbashi, initially said on television that security forces did not attack the sit-in, and only targeted the Colombia area, which they said was known for illegal activities. He claimed protesters were still there at the sit-in. In an effort to defend the legality of the sit-in dispersal operation, Lt.

The committee found 87 people were killed between June 3 - 10, and only 17 of them were killed at the sit-in on June 3. They said 48 people were wounded by bullets. They did not find any evidence of rape or sexual violence. It recommended dismissing, detaining and bringing charges against eight officers for crimes against humanity, murder and assault. The findings were widely rejected.

Meanwhile, families of victims and their lawyers have faced obstacles seeking justice for killings and other crimes in court. A lawyer involved in efforts to prosecute the crimes told Human Rights Watch that both police and prosecution have shown lack of cooperation by denying access to files and through intimidation of victims and witnesses. International and regional actors responded quickly to the violence. Immediately after the June 3 attack, the FFC demanded an international investigation into the killings and other abuses as a condition to resume talks with the TMC.

The association of family members of those killed during the protests, formed in August, raised concerns about the independence and effectiveness of the investigation committee. As argued elsewhere in this report, authorities should modify this committee or create a new one, ensuring its impartiality and independence and mandating it to investigate all attacks on protesters since December while ensuring that evidence it collects may be used by relevant authorities in criminal proceedings. Authorities should ensure members include women and men with relevant expertise and should invite international experts to support their work.

The experts should include persons with experience in how to document sexual violence in a survivor-centered manner and help survivors access services including long term healthcare. On the day of the protest, RSF and other forces patrolled Khartoum. Information gleaned from videos and witnesses indicate that around p.

To the Transitional Government

Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that the gunmen were RSF and they fired live ammunition at the protesters and whipped and beat many. This information was corroborated by video on social media. Media reported that Hemedti said on television that unknown gunmen shot and injured three RSF soldiers and five or six civilians. This number included three corpses with bullet wounds found on the street in Omdurman the next day, and one person in Atbara, where government forces also violently dispersed protests.

On July 29, high school students in the central town of El Obeid protested against price hikes and poor transportation services. While the rights to assemble and peaceful protest are not absolute and may be subject to proportionate regulation and policing, governments have an obligation to respect and protect those rights and resort to use of force to prevent, disperse or disassemble a protest is subject to strict scrutiny under international law for its necessity and lawfulness.

There is no question but that in the course of policing the protests after April 11, and in particular on and after June 3, Sudanese authorities went beyond the bounds permitted by international, African regional human rights and domestic law governing the use of force. Law enforcement authorities, who include police and armed forces personnel acting in a law enforcement capacity, may regulate assemblies in accordance with international policing standards. Sudanese security forces use of live ammunition against unarmed protesters is a clear disproportionate and unjustified use of force.

Even if some protesters sought to repel the forces by throwing rocks at them, use of live ammunition would not be justified. The violence by Sudanese forces in the lead up to, during and following, the June 3 attack has killed hundreds of people, and was part of a pattern of using excessive force to disperse protests. Authorities did not use proportionate force or take feasible measures to ensure that operations posed a minimal risk to life.

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The commission of systematic or widespread intentional unlawful killings of protesters and other inhumane acts in successive dispersals as part of a government policy to attack unarmed persons could constitute crimes against humanity. CAH can be committed during peace or armed conflict and consist of acts committed on a widespread or systematic basis as part of an attack on a civilian population, meaning there is some degree of planning or policy to commit the crime.

There is circumstantial evidence that the attack on June 3 was planned by the TMC. TMC and opposition had argued about the validity of the sit-in ahead of the June 3 crackdown, and the negotiations between the two sides broke down over the killing of protesters by the RSF at one of the barricades on May Human Rights Watch found that soldiers deliberately killed unarmed protesters and took repeated statements from witnesses who recounted how security forces aimed and shot at them.

Doctors and forensic reports show that the majority of wounds were by gun shots. Following the June 3 crackdown, witnesses heard soldiers celebrating the success of the dispersal and mocking the protesters, insulting them, and coercing them to embrace military rule. Human Rights Watch documented reports of racial slurs, insults, head-shaving, sexual assaults, gang rape, and urination on protesters, indicating intentional infliction of physical harm and humiliation of protesters. The killings since December were widespread.

The Sudan Doctors Syndicate said protesters were killed in 20 different cities and villages. Liability is not limited to individuals who carried out the acts, but also those who order, assist, or are otherwise complicit in the crimes. Under the principle of command responsibility, military and civilian officials up the chain of command can be held criminally responsible for crimes committed by their subordinates when they knew or should have known that such crimes were being committed and failed to take reasonable measures to stop them.