Such a phenomenon is not only exclusive to the region, according to Manzano and Castrillo , this issue can also be observed in European cities such as Paris, Madrid, London, Dublin, Berlin, Lisbon, Rome, Barcelona, Tirana and Belgrade. These processes are defined in terms of the occupation of land and construction of neighborhoods through popular intervention by low-income individuals with little access to formal urban land. Issues such as lack of foresight, poor provision of key services on the part of public institutions and the absence of planning initiatives are common to these processes, which are not governed by urban regulations.
In this sense, community-based organization plays a key role as it channels actions of resistance and humanization of the new civic neighborhood Castells, , ; Harvey, ; Lefebvre, This research addresses the issue of popular urban development according to the perspectives of relevant actors in the city or Asuncion.
Paraguay is a landlocked country located in central South America with an estimated population of 7,, inhabitants The city of Asuncion straddles the banks of the Paraguay River which meanders through a gently sloped lowland that floods neighboring areas on a cyclical basis.
The main goal of this research is to analyze the processes of urban development, organization and resistance in urban areas developed through popular intervention in Asuncion, Paraguay. As for specific goals, this study contextualizes the urban development processes experienced in the city of Asuncion and its municipalities within the metropolitan area; identifies the organizational and resistance dynamics of relevant communities; and provides details about prospects for change according to the opinions of local community leaders.
Different social actors play a key role in urban development process, with each of them having opposing interests when it comes to building urban sense.
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As for the Latin American case, Castells identifies two positions: the first refers to the city from an exclusionary, rent-based perspective that favors the development of urban processes according to real estate speculation; the second acknowledges the value of collective, cultural and social action within the city-building process. The second position, which is based on inclusionary, humanist and environmentalist principles, promotes urban change for life and citizen construction.
In this sense, urban social movements play a key role as they aim to achieve citizen rights and better quality of life for local communities Estigarribia, This is what Lefebvre and Harvey refer to as the right to the city, which does not only involve living, building and enjoying the urban space but also taking part in citizen-related dynamics and city management activities. These studies provide details about the historical process and scale of this issue, which dates back to the colonial period. Since the s, popular developments became increasingly dense with an approximate population of , inhabitants Equipo Arquidiocesano de Pastoral Social, The advent of democratic transition in meant a further increase in density as popular sectors saw an opportunity for creating new participatory models to access urban land.
However, they fail to fully address the housing issue affecting Asuncion Flores, This research is based on non-experimental, observational, quantitative and qualitative, sequential and cross-cutting approaches. It was conducted during in the city of Asuncion, Paraguay. The first phase of this study, which is exploratory in nature, focuses on the collection of data from public and private entities holding information on informal urban settlements located in the city of Asuncion and its metropolitan area.
All maps presented in this study are based on data collected from these entities. The second phase of this research consists of 20 non-participant field observations and 30 in-depth interviews with local community leaders. Observations were monitored through record sheets and interviews were based on protocols designed for the purposes of this study. Network sampling was used to identify and reach study subjects: each respondent was given all necessary references to identify and find other target individuals. Thirty leaders of local communities experiencing popular urbanization processes were selected for the purposes of this research.
Selecting criteria are listed as follows: a living in communities experiencing popular urbanization processes; b being actively or formerly involved in neighborhood or social care organizations, local committees or councils based on popular developments; and c holding the position of president or vice-president of community organizations, local committees, councils or social movements based on popular developments. Exclusion criteria included: a being under the age of 18; and b not having taken part in occupation, organization, resistance and community development processes.
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This research paid close attention to relevant principles and guidelines referring to individual-based studies. Study subjects were duly informed about the purpose, objectives, risks and benefits of this research before expressing their willingness to take part in this study.
The identity of each subject was kept confidential through the coding of research results. The expressions recorded through interviews and observations were divided into different categories according to the content analysis method developed by Lawrence Bardin The analysis of results was shared with participants during a consultation workshop. In order to contextualize the popular urbanization phenomenon taking place in Asuncion and its metropolitan region this study requested official information from institutions providing basic services to these communities through the Public Information Portal.
Data were compared to information from previous censuses and national surveys, which had a low level of coverage of these areas.
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As presented in Table 1 , the comparative analysis reveals considerable differences in terms of coverage as the result of the informal situation of communities and poor inclusion of relevant data. According to this comparative analysis, the number of informal urban settlements in Asuncion and its metropolitan region is estimated at The accounts and identity of participants were kept confidential through the use of codes, which include letters to refer to the type of organization respondents are involved in and numbers to identify individuals: M - movement; C - local committee or council; V - neighborhood organization.
According to qualitative data collected from interviews and observations, the popular urbanization process experienced by Asuncion dates from the colonial period. As local dwellers pointed out, the origin of this phenomenon can be traced back to the colonial administration of the city, when different indigenous and mestizo groups lived around Asuncion in popular neighborhoods. The banks of the Paraguay River have always been home to fishing communities:. This neighborhood San Geronimo was already inhabited before the foundation of Asuncion, there were indigenous people living here V1. If I am right, this place Chacarita is the first settlement that I know from the time of the colonial period V2.
However, it is worth noting the population density of the fishing and indigenous communities was very low.
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They had a simple and natural lifestyle which had little effect on the environmental system. Today the high density of popular developments and the lack of basic services such as sewage systems and waste collection are contributing to the further deterioration of the environment, as noted by this research. Topographic relief varies according to the location of each popular development, especially in Asuncion, where most of these places are located in flood-prone areas, ravines, trenches and creeks.
This seriously affects local dwellers:. When it rains, most of houses are affected by water torrents due to their location in low areas V3. Pollution is also exacerbated as the result of the presence of drainage systems, which transport water to these territories:. A canal made of concrete coming from Cementerio Sur flows into the streets, which end up completely flooded V4.
It gets flooded every time it rains. We have to add extra land to prevent this from happening V5. We have always suffered from this issue. There used to be lakes and swamps that absorbed enormous amount of water, delaying the flood. Today, however, flood events occur more rapidly V6. Reaffirming the above, Figure 1 shows the incidence of floods in areas occupied with poor dwellings in the city of Asuncion. Source: Elaborated by the authors. Due to these difficulties, in the last two decades the popular urbanization process has expanded towards non-floodable areas in Asuncion and its neighboring municipalities as periodic flood events force local dwellers to relocate themselves in higher grounds:.
This territory became inhabited during the s. It was a large private estate. Settlements were established during the s after a historic massive flood, thus triggering the fight for the purchase of land V7. In other cases, those living in flooded areas were permanently relocated in spaces intended for temporary accommodation.
People came here in search of higher ground during flood events, they asked the priest of the parish of St Peter and St Paul for help. This was private land but the priest talked to the owners of this space and people living in flood-prone areas came here. It gradually became populated V8. This cyclical environmental issue is further complemented by the vulnerability to pollution generated by solid waste and urban effluents.
The comparison between the flood-prone areas map and the sewage cover map, which is shown in Figure 2 , allows us to observe that neighborhoods located along the river have no access to sewage networks.
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This is further aggravated by the fact that urban effluents are thrown into these neighborhoods. This area is also excluded from the domestic waste collection system, which results in the emergence of a considerable number of informal dumps. For many local residents the recycling of solid urban waste is a source of income; however, since this activity is not always conducted with the care necessary so that it does not convert into a source of pollution and environmental degradation.
This is the case of Santa Ana and its Cateura municipal dump, which took in tons of rubbish from Asuncion for decades. Figure 3 shows a map identifying dwellings with no access to waste collection services in each neighborhood within Asuncion.
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The largest percentage of dwellings lacking this service was found in popular developments. The comparison between Figures 2 and 3 clearly reveals social exclusion in terms of the provision of sewage and waste collection services. Though the height of these territories, which is below the periodic flood level of the Paraguay River, prevents waste collection and sewage services from being implemented, nothing has been done to find alternative solutions.
This environmental issue is further complemented with other shortcomings.
Despite the lack of information from municipalities and public institutions, the observations and interviews conducted during this research allow us to note that municipalities located around Asuncion are currently experiencing a widespread and dynamic popular urbanization process. Figure 5 shows a population density analysis of popular developments distributed per municipality. As for the northern part of the city, Mariano Roque Alonso is the most densely populated municipality of Asuncion. Figure 5. Populationdensity of precarious settlements, distributed per municipality.
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Figure 6 shows the percentage of people living in poor settlements in relation to the total population of each municipality. As for the northern part of Asuncion, with nearly 15 percent in both cases, Mariano Roque Alonso and Limpio account for the largest share of the local population living in poor settlements. These findings reveal the current state of popular urbanization processes in each municipality; however, they cannot be regarded as conclusive due to the weakness of institutional systems when it comes to compiling data on this population.
As for the emergence of organizations within popular developments, collected qualitative data suggest that it took place before or shortly after the occupation of land. The need to defend the position of the community is the main reason behind the creation of neighborhood committees, which aim to gain recognition from institutions that may support them in their quest for rights. There is a dynamic process governing the organization of communities, which may range from small, short-lived neighborhood committees with limited objectives that emerge to achieve some rights or solve specific problems to large movements composed of different neighborhood committees forming coordinated social organization networks with shared objectives.
According to local dwellers, these traditional neighborhoods have no active committees and communities are not engaged in local organizations.