Porta-potties are available for migrants and visitors. Some of those porta potties have signs stamped on them saying "do not throw diapers in the bathroom," an indication of the varying ages of those who pass through. Migrants scheduled for an a. Once processed, migrants shuffle in single-file lines, escorted by staff to their respective hearing room.
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There, they make their case before the judge to stay in the United States. Migrants in the hearing room couldn't see the Immigration and Customs Enforcement attorney who was in the same room as Judge Castaneda and interpreter. Every so often, the ICE attorney would chime in, but migrants were unable to see or understand him. The interpreter didn't translate communication between the attorney and the judge, leaving those watching and participating via the TV screen in the dark. In a more typical immigration court hearing, the migrant would be in the same room as the attorney, immigration judge and interpreter.
Since its implementation about a year ago, more than 57, migrants have been sent back to Mexico until their court date in the US. Department of Homeland Security spokesperson Heather Swift called the policy "an effective tool to address the ongoing crisis at the southwest border. Migrants who are applying for asylum in the United States go through a processing area at a tent courtroom, Tuesday, Sept.
The immigration court system is run by the US Justice Department and operates differently than the federal or state court system. For example, immigrants in the immigration court system are not provided a government-appointed counsel , as they would be in other court settings. The tent courts also underscore the concerns lawyers have raised for years, including ensuring access to counsel to migrants and conducting hearings over sensitive matters via video teleconferencing.
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Kathryn Mattingly, a spokeswoman for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, an office within the Justice Department that oversees the nation's immigration courts, said in a statement to CNN that "All immigration judges are prepared to hear any case at any time, including via VTC. Migrants waiting in Mexico face the challenge of finding and obtaining legal representation.
While organizations and legal service providers have tried to assist, they're "completely overwhelmed," Lynch said. Attorneys in these cases are representing clients for proceedings in the United States, but as they go through that process, the clients are required to stay in Mexico, which can make communicating about the details of the case challenging. Migrants told Castaneda during a hearing CNN attended that they didn't have an attorney. That can be an impediment for those trying to seek refuge in the United States, given the complicated nature of immigration proceedings.
Conducting hearings via video teleconferencing exacerbates those issues, Lynch says. DHS memo outlines proposed changes to Remain in Mexico program. Edgar Arias, a Venezuelan migrant, said he couldn't afford counsel. His next court hearing in the US is in April. Migrants will attend a series of hearings before a decision is made on their case. In a morning session earlier this month, four master calendar hearings, the first hearing in removal proceedings, and seven merit hearings, where asylum seekers present their claims, were scheduled.
A Miami-based lawyer waiting for a client's merit hearing said that the migrants her firm represents have been "discouraged" by the administration's policy. Over a sea of tents, makeshift bathrooms, and tangled clotheslines, the temporary facilities where the administration has set up courtrooms can be spotted in the distance. To summarize our results: 1 In the U.
A main finding from this study is that the cities that we surveyed along the U. The reason for this heterogeneity is yet unexplained and may be due to differences in preferences and availability of specific drugs, patterns of drug trafficking, violence and levels of stress in this dynamic region, all of which should be explored in more complex models than were possible here. Our hypotheses for factors affecting drug use were based on our prior studies of U.
The identification of Laredo as a high risk area, as shown both in this study and others 27 , has potential important policy implications for the border area. Yet, the fact that some border cities in the U. While a few previous comparisons of drug use 36 - 38 have suggested that drug use and disorders are much more common in the U. We have been able to contribute to knowledge of comparative drug use prevalence in these cities with a study sample, design and covariates that ensured good population homogeneity across the sites and controlled for a complex set of probable risk factors.
The even larger differences noted OR's of 9 - 11 between the non-border cities San Antonio and Monterrey , as compared to the border sister cities, suggests that perhaps variations in social determinants are key to understanding differences in this otherwise demographically homogeneous population.
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More in-depth analyses of these differences in drug outcomes are needed to determine which factors drive them, but this study has made a start in ruling out some obvious ones. While nativity and immigration patterns have been shown in previous studies to be important in understanding drug use in this population 39 , it is likely that inclusion of additional factors would enhance our understanding e. It is possible that Mexican-origin border residents are accustomed to sharing prescription medications among household members both for expediency and cost and this kind of misuse may not represent an imminent danger of addiction per se.
Yet, given the recent rise in prescription drug abuse and the severity of its consequences fatal overdoses or progression to illicit drugs observed nationally in the U. Our findings that the border cities that we surveyed in Mexico were at high risk for drug use and symptoms of DUD as compared to elsewhere in the country are in line with other research findings 8 , 9. Reasons for these higher rates are not immediately apparent, since the non-border city of Monterrey also showed some higher rates, so the finding seems applicable to the northern region of Mexico rather than only the border cities.
It is possible that greater levels of inequality in the relatively more affluent north may contribute to stresses and risks for substance use Our study is a first step towards greater understanding of the prevalence and patterns of drug use and problems in the binational border area, but many questions remain that deserve further research. Public health actions on drug use and drug use disorders, that follows closely public health models that emphasizes drug use and health consequences of drug use beyond the mere prohibition and criminalization, is needed for the region These measures should be broad in the actions and the type of organizations that are needed to implement such policies, ranging from clinical attention of affected individuals, to public health preventive measures and efforts to make treatment services readily available, improvements in schooling and, when necessary, effective measures to reduce the availability of substances for the population While treatment for those in need is a central public health measure, but by no means should be an exclusive action, scarcity of resources in the US-Mexico border is especially worrisome.
Previous work from our group has showed that in both countries, border substance users were about half as likely as non-border substance users to have wanted or obtained any kind of help, independent of predisposing, need and enabling factors, including migration status.
Among those desiring help, however, about half had obtained it, both on and off the border in both countries Actions to improve this complex situation are sorely needed. Some limitations to our study should be borne in mind. Similarly, the non-border cities were selected for comparison because they were the closest large cities within miles of their respective borders, but they cannot be considered representative of the entire interior of each country.
Additionally, even though this study was conducted at the same time with the same methodology and questionnaire in both countries, the political, economic and security situation in Mexico was in particular turmoil during data collection and conditions affecting drug use there may not be stable.
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Nevertheless, our comparisons between sister cities are relatively robust, since we used the same study design, instrument and covariates and the data collection took place at roughly the same time. The somewhat low response rates are a concern, but we have shown elsewhere that this did not affect the validity of our estimates of alcohol or drug use 26 , A further limitation is that our screening measure of DUD symptoms, which included only two of the 11 criteria of the new DSM-5 diagnostic, may underestimate the true prevalence of DUD, so our estimate of problem drug use should be considered a conservative one.
Finally, our comparisons with national estimates are based on raw data for Hispanics and not Mexican-Americans on the US side and are not adjusted for key variables, so they should be regarded as suggestive only. Despite these limitations, this study is the first to examine the prevalence of drug use and symptoms f DUD in a truly binational context. These findings highlight the urgent need for reducing public health actions for substance use and substance use disorders in the US-Mexico border area, where, unfortunately, limitations for the treatment of substance use disorders abound.
Base Reference Manual.
National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Salud Publica Mex. Author manuscript; available in PMC Jul 1. Guilherme Borges , Sc. Zemore , PhD. Cherpitel , PhD. Sarah E. Cheryl J. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Copyright notice. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract Objective There is a lack of epidemiological information on drug use in the U. Materials and Methods Data are from the U. Conclusions Drug use is high on the border for the selected Mexican cities.
Keywords: Hispanic Americans, border disease, epidemiology, survey, drug use.
Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico Weather
Materials and methods The UMSARC is a cross-sectional survey that interviewed randomly selected respondents during to in metropolitan areas on both sides of the U. Response Rate On the U. Weights, Instruments and Variables In both the United States and Mexico, we first weighted data to reflect the multistage clustered sampling design.
Data analyses After estimating the prevalence of the demographic and mobility variables and the prevalence of drug use and DUD symptoms for each study site in the UMSARC, we estimated odds ratios OR for drug outcomes in logistic regression models 34 , with statistical adjustment for sociodemographic and mobility variables.
Results Table I shows the distribution across the sample sites of the demographic and mobility variables, which were used as covariates to examine drug use outcomes, focusing on comparisons between border and off-border cities within each country. Table I Distribution of sociodemographic variables across cities, by country. Open in a separate window. Prescription drugs are 1 pain relievers, 2 sedatives, 3 stimulants and 4 other prescription drugs.
Figure 1. United States Mexico Laredo vs. San Antonio ref Laredo vs. Table IV Adjusted pairwise contrasts of past-year drug use by city, between countries. Discussion To summarize our results: 1 In the U. Limitations Some limitations to our study should be borne in mind. Conclusion Despite these limitations, this study is the first to examine the prevalence of drug use and symptoms f DUD in a truly binational context.
Drug Use on Both Sides of the U.S.-Mexico Border
Reference List 1. The state of the border report: a comprehensive analysis of the US-Mexico Border. Washington, DC: Wilson Center; Drug violence in Mexico: Data and analysis through San Diego: Trans-Border Institute; Wilson Center. The State of the Border Report. South of the border: A legal haven for underage drinking.
Valdez A, Sifaneck SJ. Drug tourists and drug policy on the US-Mexican border: An ethnographic investigation of the acquisition of prescription drugs. J Drug Issues. Substance use across different phases of the migration process: a survey of Mexican migrants flows.
J Immigr Minor Health.